The role of verbal prefixes in Slavic: Evidence from Slovenian locative denominal verbs.

Abstract

The role of Slavic verbal prefixes is discussed in the context of Slovenian Location/Locatum denominal verbs and against the distinction between semantic aspect (situation type, a-/telicity) and morphological aspect (viewpoint, im-/perfectivity). Some recent literature serves as the basis for adopting the claim that Slavic prefixes do not directly code perfectivity but rather a resultative change of state; minimal-pair evidence is provided, based on locative denominal verbs. The standard claim that prefixes on directed-motion verbs contribute directional semantics is challenged; minimal-pair evidence is provided to show that they contribute a state/location. Resultativity and directed motion of prefixed verbs are derived compositionally. Prefixes introduce a state, and are thus eventualities rather than eventuality type modifiers; again, minimal-pair evidence from locative denominals is provided. Finally, it is argued that in directed-motion constructions, prefixes are different from Goal/Source-PPs; the prefix introduces the State/Location, the PP introduces the Path.