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Licensing Conditions for Indefinite Pronouns in Modern Hebrew

dc.contributor.authorTonciulescu, Keren C.
dc.contributor.supervisorArregui, Ana
dc.contributor.supervisorMathieu, Eric
dc.date.accessioned2011-05-03T16:49:52Z
dc.date.available2011-05-03T16:49:52Z
dc.date.created2011
dc.date.issued2011
dc.degree.disciplinearts
dc.degree.leveldoctorate
dc.degree.namephd
dc.description.abstractThe dissertation investigates syntactic and semantic aspects of the indefinite pronoun system in Modern Hebrew and consists of an experimental part and a theoretical part. The experimental part presents the grammaticality judgment task conducted to test three theoretical questions: (1) the relation between negation and the licensing of AF `any' and KOL `any'; (2) the contrast between EYZE `some' and EYZESEHU `some' in terms of specificity; and (3) the correlation between syntactic position and free choice readings. Three main theoretical findings are contributed by this work. First, it is shown that from a typological viewpoint, Hebrew, a Semitic language, patterns with Romance and Germanic languages, rather than Japanese-type languages, in having indefinite pronouns specialized for particular operators available in the discourse. Second, the thesis proposes a novel unified syntax-semantics for KOL which accounts for its interpretational variability. Working with the Kratzer and Shimoyama (2002) framework where indefinite pronouns generate sets of individual alternatives, the semantics of a KOL--modified noun phrase is formalized as a variable and containing a restriction. When this restriction ranges over kinds, KOL receives a generic reading; when the restriction is over a contextually specified set of entities, KOL has an episodic reading. In these cases, the KOL--phrase moves to the argument position of a universal quantifier which binds the individual alternatives generated by the KOL--phrase. If KOL stays in situ, the individual alternatives are allowed to expand into propositional alternatives, resulting in the free choice reading. Third, I discuss the DP-internal structure of [eyze(N)se-hu (N)] and [(N) kol(N)se-hu], treating 'se-hu' as a CP. I propose that there is a correlation between the postnominal position and the free choice readings of these pronouns, suggesting that domain restrictions, usually derived in the semantics-pragmatics, may also be encoded in the syntax. If this hypothesis is on the right track, it could provide us with a better understanding of how and when in the process of language acquisition domain restrictions found with indefinite pronouns are acquired.
dc.embargo.termsimmediate
dc.faculty.departmentLinguistique / Linguistics
dc.identifier.urihttp://hdl.handle.net/10393/19941
dc.identifier.urihttp://dx.doi.org/10.20381/ruor-4557
dc.language.isoen
dc.publisherUniversité d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa
dc.subjectIndefinite pronouns
dc.subjectHebrew
dc.subjectalternatives
dc.subjectsyntax-semantics interface
dc.subjectHamblin semantics
dc.titleLicensing Conditions for Indefinite Pronouns in Modern Hebrew
dc.typeThesis
thesis.degree.disciplinearts
thesis.degree.levelDoctoral
thesis.degree.namephd
uottawa.departmentLinguistique / Linguistics

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