Licensing Conditions for Indefinite Pronouns in Modern Hebrew
| dc.contributor.author | Tonciulescu, Keren C. | |
| dc.contributor.supervisor | Arregui, Ana | |
| dc.contributor.supervisor | Mathieu, Eric | |
| dc.date.accessioned | 2011-05-03T16:49:52Z | |
| dc.date.available | 2011-05-03T16:49:52Z | |
| dc.date.created | 2011 | |
| dc.date.issued | 2011 | |
| dc.degree.discipline | arts | |
| dc.degree.level | doctorate | |
| dc.degree.name | phd | |
| dc.description.abstract | The dissertation investigates syntactic and semantic aspects of the indefinite pronoun system in Modern Hebrew and consists of an experimental part and a theoretical part. The experimental part presents the grammaticality judgment task conducted to test three theoretical questions: (1) the relation between negation and the licensing of AF `any' and KOL `any'; (2) the contrast between EYZE `some' and EYZESEHU `some' in terms of specificity; and (3) the correlation between syntactic position and free choice readings. Three main theoretical findings are contributed by this work. First, it is shown that from a typological viewpoint, Hebrew, a Semitic language, patterns with Romance and Germanic languages, rather than Japanese-type languages, in having indefinite pronouns specialized for particular operators available in the discourse. Second, the thesis proposes a novel unified syntax-semantics for KOL which accounts for its interpretational variability. Working with the Kratzer and Shimoyama (2002) framework where indefinite pronouns generate sets of individual alternatives, the semantics of a KOL--modified noun phrase is formalized as a variable and containing a restriction. When this restriction ranges over kinds, KOL receives a generic reading; when the restriction is over a contextually specified set of entities, KOL has an episodic reading. In these cases, the KOL--phrase moves to the argument position of a universal quantifier which binds the individual alternatives generated by the KOL--phrase. If KOL stays in situ, the individual alternatives are allowed to expand into propositional alternatives, resulting in the free choice reading. Third, I discuss the DP-internal structure of [eyze(N)se-hu (N)] and [(N) kol(N)se-hu], treating 'se-hu' as a CP. I propose that there is a correlation between the postnominal position and the free choice readings of these pronouns, suggesting that domain restrictions, usually derived in the semantics-pragmatics, may also be encoded in the syntax. If this hypothesis is on the right track, it could provide us with a better understanding of how and when in the process of language acquisition domain restrictions found with indefinite pronouns are acquired. | |
| dc.embargo.terms | immediate | |
| dc.faculty.department | Linguistique / Linguistics | |
| dc.identifier.uri | http://hdl.handle.net/10393/19941 | |
| dc.identifier.uri | http://dx.doi.org/10.20381/ruor-4557 | |
| dc.language.iso | en | |
| dc.publisher | Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa | |
| dc.subject | Indefinite pronouns | |
| dc.subject | Hebrew | |
| dc.subject | alternatives | |
| dc.subject | syntax-semantics interface | |
| dc.subject | Hamblin semantics | |
| dc.title | Licensing Conditions for Indefinite Pronouns in Modern Hebrew | |
| dc.type | Thesis | |
| thesis.degree.discipline | arts | |
| thesis.degree.level | Doctoral | |
| thesis.degree.name | phd | |
| uottawa.department | Linguistique / Linguistics |
